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The effects were dramatic, said Ms. His conduct is excellent now. A longtime case manager with the New Orleans team, Mr. Naranjo serves as an interpreter, counselor and facilitator for Spanish-speaking immigrants like the Medranos.

Medrano said. The earliest years, birth to age four, are critical for brain development and long-term disease prevention. Children born into poverty are surrounded by factors that can threaten their start in life.

Young children who have prolonged exposure to stressors like these may str ess be permanently impaired. Now I am New research reveals that serving my family healthy foods effective parenting skills can and breastfeeding my youngest help insulate children from toxic son for the first time.

They may not know how important it is to talk to their kids and to read them stories to promote early learning, to discipline them without violence, and to establish healthy habits for nutrition, exercise and sleep.

The chatter eases effortlessly from English to Spanish and back. This innovative program in group care is designed for post-partum mothers, families and their babies from birth to 18 months.

All the basic well-baby care that a pediatrician would provide in an individual visit is included, but the group setting enables mothers to form attachments with one another and allows the health care team to spend more time with the mothers and get to know them.

The goal is to build community as the moms share joys and concerns, nurture healthy family development, and provide an efficient way for the medical team to share information on a wide range of topics.

While all the members of the bustling group appear to be doing fine, the medical team has established trusting relationships with the mothers.

They know which ones may be having trouble getting food for their children, dealing with an abusive partner, or struggling with their own mental health, and they are able to connect these moms to services so they can focus on being the best parent possible.

Do you all know what to do with a stomach virus? The most important thing to remember is clear fluids like water or pedialyte.

But those caught in the path of a violent storm can feel the pain for years to come. Children tend to be hit hardest by the lingering effects of a disaster.

With homes destroyed, families displaced and routines disrupted, the acute shock of the emergency gives way to long-term anxiety, depression and emotional distress that can wreak havoc on developing minds and bodies and make concentration on school and learning impossible.

Waiting to Exhale As Superstorm Sandy sent seawater streaming into their house, the Smith family of Brick, New Jersey ran for their lives, leaving behind just about every worldly possession.

When the storm subsided, the Smiths found a ruined shell where they used to have a home. As they ripped out soaked insulation, thick dust filled the air and mold was quick to grow.

That would change soon when Jim was let go from his job. The doctors and nurses on board treated the Smith children, who all have asthma in varying degrees, and provided access to low-cost lifesaving medication.

Like many in Brick, the Smiths face a long road to recovery. In the low-lying community of Gerritsen Beach, Brooklyn, some parents carried their children as far as a mile through waist-deep water to reach higher ground.

Others watched helplessly as the relentless storm left their homes in ruins. The trauma is still palpable for many children.

John Maloney. November 13th, Block 1 Social studies. Some young band singing on. Kennedy and The Cold War A. The Election of As President Eisenhower's 2nd term drew to a close, a mood of restlessness arose among voters.

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Televised Debate- a milestone of the campaign was the 1st televised debate ever between presidential canididates.

Kennedy and the King-Hearing of. Mesopotamia - "The Cradle of Civilization. Traders, nomadic herders, and invaders all easily overcame the few natural barriers around the Fertile Crescent.

Carter G. Woodson, who started this celebration of black history and culture. It started by Dr. Woodson in as a way to focus on the contributions of blacks in both American and world history.

Woodson was born in New Canton, VA in He was part of a. History of Globablization 1 1. Globalization basically means that the world is slowly becoming one, instead of divided lands.

Most people think that globalization has to do with just business influences. Basically, globalization is where goods and services are produced in one part of the world but eventually shared on an international level.

The history of globalization started a. The History of Homecoming Every year thousands of alumni, parents, students and family come back to the University of Arizona for Homecoming.

Homecoming consists of class reunions, a football game, dinners, parades and many other celebrations. Homecoming is for all the colleges and departments at the University of Arizona.

Homecoming has been a tradition of U of A for almost 92 years now. This annual event has plenty of history behind it which contributes to.

An orchestra is an organized body of bowed string instruments, with more than one player to a part, to which may be added wind and percussion instruments.

In the Greek theater the term denoted the semi-circular space in front of the stage where the chorus sang and danced; in the Roman theater is was reserved for the Senators' seats, Throughout the years the size and strength of orchestras across the world have varied.

In the midth. The Ebola Virus History of, Occurrences, and Effects of Ebola, a virus which acquires its name from the Ebola River located in Zaire, Africa , first emerged in September , when it erupted simultaneously in 55 villages near the headwaters of the river.

It seemed to come out of nowhere, and resulted in the deaths of nine out of every ten victims. Although it originated over 20 years ago, it still remains as a fear among.

To end the celebration of the 50 years of the LEGO brick, here are the best sets in history. From the most significant to the most amazing and complex, from the late '70s to today.

We can't get ourselves to pick. The author who wrote this book Mr. Stephen Hawking is regarded as the most brilliant theoretical physicistt science Einstein.

Stephen wrote this book explaining different theories that earlier scientists, philosphers and astronomers had about the univerise.

Why does it iexist? How the universe was created and where is it taking us? Some of the theories he wrote about discussed.

The History of Human Resource Management Human resource management is the strategic and coherent approach to the management of an organization's most valued assets - the people working there who individually and collectively contribute to the achievement of the objectives of the business.

The terms "human resource management" and "human resources" HR have largely replaced the term "personnel management" as a description of the processes involved in managing people in organizations.

Human Resource management is. Interethnic Marriages in Los Angeles, Social Forces 42, Burke, J. Diabetes Care, 24 9 , Burma, John H.

Spanish Speaking Groups in the United States. Durham, N. Spanish-Speaking Children. Keach, Jr.. Gardner Eds. New York: John Wiley and Sons.

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New Age. Bynum, Caroline Walker, et. Gender and Religion: On the Complexity of Symbols. Bynum, Caroline Walker.

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Prevalence, incidence, and stability of drinking problems among Whites, Blacks, and Latinos: Journal of studies on alcohol, 58 6 , Caffesse, R.

Effect of interleukin-1 gene polymorphism in a periodontally healthy Hispanic population treated with mucogingival surgery. Journal of Clinical Periodontology, 29 2 , Prevalence of interleukin 1 periodontal genotype in a Hispanic dental population.

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Camacho, J. Los Mercados de Oaxaca. Mexico Indigena, No. Canales, M. Expanding conceptualizations of culturally competent care. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 36 1 , Camblon, Ruth S.

Mexicans in Chicago. The Family,7, Campa, Arthur L. Some Herbs and Plants of Early California. Western Folklore, 9, Campbell, Alstair V. Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone.

Campbell, Joseph. The Mythic Image. Campinha-Bacote, J. Voodoo illness. Perspectives in psychiatric care, 28 l , Campion, E. Why unconventional medicine?

The New England Journal of Medicine, 4 , Camporesi, Piero. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Canter, M. Ethics for psychologists. Chicana Traditions: Continuity and Change.

Chicago: U of Illinois Press. Cao, K. Analysis of the frequencies of HLA-A, B, and C alleles and haplotypes in the five major ethnic groups of the United States reveals high levels of diversity in these loci and contrasting distribution patterns in these populations.

Human Immunology, 62 9 , Capitulo, K. Translating the short version of the Perinatal Grief Scale: process and challenges. Carballo-Dieguez, A.

Frequent use of lubricants for anal sex among men who have sex with men: the HIV prevention potential of a microbicidal gel.

American Journal of Public Health, 90 7 , The End of Medicine. Preface by Ivan Illich. New York: Wiley.

Carr, J. Good Eds. Carrasco, David. Colorado: University of Colorado Press. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Religions of Mesoamerica: Cosmovision and Ceremonial Centers. San Francisco: Harper and Row. Mexican-American folk medicine: A descriptive study of the different curanderismo techniques practiced by curanderos and used by Patients in Laredo, Texas Area.

Carrasco, N. Unpublished manuscript. Carrete, P. Validation of a telephone-administered geriatric depression scale in a hispanic elderly population.

Hispanic masculinity: Myth or psychological schema meriting clinical consideration. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 16, Casey, Edward S.

Berkeley: U of California Press. Cash, Marie Romero. Cassidy, C. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 6, Caso, Alfonso.

The Aztecs, People of the Sun. Lowell Dunham, Trans. Casper, E. Fifteen Cases of Embrujada [Bewitched]. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 27, Cassatta, Donald M.

Dissertation, University of Minnesota. Traditionalism, modernism, and ethnicity. Martinez Ed. New York: Ballantine. New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc.

Journey to Ixtlan: The lessons of Don Juan. Tales of Power. New York: Pocket Books, Inc. The Second Ring of Power. Castiglioni, A. Encantamiento y Magia.

Fondo de Cultura Economica, Mexico. Castiglioni, Arturo. Magic Plants in Primitive Medicine. Cibg Symposia, 5, Castillo, Ana Ed.

Goddess of the Americas: Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe. New York: Riverhead Books. Castillo, Ana. Massacre of the Dreamers: Essays Xicanisma.

Castro, F. The health beliefs of Mexican American and Anglo American women. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 6, Castellanos, M. Academic success among Mexican-American women in a community college.

Dissertation Abstracts International, 54, Castro, A. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 18, Catalano, R.

The Health Effects of Economic Stability. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 24, Caudle, P. Providing culturally sensitive health care to Hispanic clients.

Nurse Practitioner, 18 12 , Cervantes, J. Spirituality and family dynamics in psychotherapy with Latino children. Koss-Chioino Eds.

San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Cheney, Jim. In Lewis P. Hinchman Eds. Centers for Disease Control Deaths and death rates for the 10 leading causes of death in specified age groups, by sex and Hispanic origin and race for non-Hispanic population: United States, [Electronic data file].

National vital statistics report, 47 19 , Table 9. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Monteiro Ed. Hypertension among Mexican Americans: United States, and JAMA, , On the auspices of female migration from Mexico to the United States.

Demography, 38 2 , Champion, J. Protective and risk behaviors of rural minority adolescent women. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 23 3 , Chandler, Charles R.

Sociology and Social Review, 58 3 , Human Organization, 38 2 , Chavez, Ignacio. Chavez, L. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 15 2.

Cheney, C. Lay healing and mental health in the MexicanAmerican barrio. Chesney, A. Mexican-American folk medicine: Implications for the family physician.

The Journal of Family Practice, 11 4 , Chiapella, A. Renal failure among male Hispanics in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 85 7 , Chidester, David.

Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Minority women with sexually transmitted diseases: sexual abuse and risk for pelvic inflammatory disease.

Sexual abuse and sexual risk behaviors of minority women with sexually transmitted diseases. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 23 3 , Cherpitel, C.

A comparison of substance use and injury among Mexican American emergency room patients in the United States and Mexicans in Mexico. Chessick, R.

Psychology of the Self and the Treatment of Narcissism. New Jersey: Jason Aronson, Inc. Chinas, B. Cho, S. Blood pressure and sexual maturity in adolescents: the Heartfelt Study.

American Journal of Human Biology, 13 2 , Chohayeb, A. Oral health status of Asian and Hispanic women. A pilot study. New York State Dental Journal, 68 1 , Chopra, Deepak.

The Seven Spiritual Laws of Success. Christmas, C. How common is hip pain among older adults? Journal of Family Practice, 51 4 , Cisneros, Sandra.

Woman Hollering Creek and Other Stories. New York: Random House. Clark, M. Health in the Mexican-American culture: A community study.

Clark, L. La Familia: methodological issues in the assessment of perinatal social support for Mexicanas living in the United States.

Western Journal of Nursing Research, 24 2 , Clark, Margaret. Clements, F. Primitive concepts of disease. Cloninger, C. R, Martin, R.

A prospective follow-up and family study of somatization in men and women. Cobb, Beatrix. Why do People Detour to Quacks? In Jaco E.

Gartley Ed. The late s had seen the growth of the Non-European Unity Movement, the emergence of a more militant African National Congress, the rise of squatter movements, and ongoing attempts by the Communist Party to extend its support.

These movements presented a challenge to an exclusive conception of the nation, racial domination, and unfolding apartheid legislation. In response the South African state began to ban people and organizations and to propagate its own image of the nation.

The Van Riebeeck festival was a presentation of the settler image of the nation on a massive public scale. Africans were recipients of civilization and under the tutelage of whites.

Here was a public arena in which white settler domination could be constructed and displayed with untrammelled vulgarity; and it was Van Riebeeck who was made to embody this supremacy.

By the s, South African had a weak national history. Historical figures were not accorded national prominence, events were not recorded as national South African milestones, and there was no historical progression toward the accomplishment of nationhood.

Building blocks for this national history had already taken some shape through Afrikaner nationalist histories, in which movements, processes, and the accomplishments of the ordinary people were highlighted.

Though the Voortrekker centenary celebrations of certainly started at the foot of the Van Riebeeck statue in Cape Town, he was not portrayed as the founding father.

Except for intermittent moments of small-scale ceremonies, confined to isolated venues, the landing was barely commemorated.

Despite these annual offerings, F. It was only after the Second World War that Van Riebeeck acquired the singular, almost unanimous, symbolism of white settler power.

Based on many of the building blocks derived from previous usages, Van Riebeeck was qualitatively transformed from a person involved in historical processes to an icon of national history.

When the Cape Town City Council took over the flower laying ceremony, the commemoration acquired official status with representatives from Afrikaans, Dutch, and English organizations participating.

In the immediate aftermath of the nationalist victory in , this committee identified the need to broaden its base to include the administrators of the provinces; Professor T.

Davie, the principal of UCT; G. Initiatives were set in motion to establish a central executive committee and a special Cape Town committee to oversee the construction of the festival.

It symbolises the efforts and glories of the past and the hopes of a future generation of a united South African nation.

Thirty subcommittees, with specific responsibilities, were established to plan this public historical extravaganza. Administrative committees dealt with finance, publicity, and accommodation.

The content of particular events was dealt with by the art, culture, industry, and sports committees. Certain committees focused on the participation by women and youth.

A separate subcommittee, headed by I. Schoeman, crafted bows and arrows in the gaze of thousands of onlookers.

Indeed, the festival fair was seen as part of this civilizing mission. Here the visitor could see displays of gold ware and coins, cut-away exhibits of deep-level mining operations, model ships carrying gold bullion abroad, and photographs through an epidiascope, portraying the concern of the mines for the welfare of its workers.

The mining industry, on the contrary, was experiencing a period of renewed confidence. The Chamber of Mines and the Anglo American Corporation entered into an agreement with Britain and the United States to provide uranium for their atomic energy programs.

Handsome profits were generated from the mining of uranium derived from the tailings of the Witwatersrand gold mines.

It took a different medium, that of the street pageant, to provide white power with a history and legitimacy. Historical pageants were held throughout the country.

These culminated in a historical procession in the streets of Cape Town on April 3, which was repeated the following day. The scale and spectacle were of monumental proportions.

It took 70 floats, horses, drummers, 9 full brass bands, and, in total, 2, participants to create a moving pageant of the past.

This medium contained an inherent ambiguity. On the one hand, it offered a dramatic opportunity for public space to be infused with history, almost commanding onlookers to imbibe its offerings and to take their place in a national past.

On the other hand, a pageant on the streets was more difficult to control and contain. The audience could not easily be regulated, the crowds could quickly become unruly, and the participants might use the opportunity to ascribe their own historical meanings to different events in the procession.

The Cape Town City Council was worried about the unnecessary expenses a pageant would entail. Others thought it was a tedious dramatic form and that onlookers would lose interest very quickly.

These concerns were rejected by the pageant committee. Fears were being expressed in the pages of the Rand Daily Mail that the purpose of the pageant would be to display a hostile British imperialism persecuting the Afrikaner nation.

The Dutch, the English, the French, and even the Scots and the Germans contributed to this nation, in processes ranging from volksplanting to the mineral revolution.

It is significant that the roles of these figures were played by their direct descendants, Martin Thompson and Jacobus Uys. These were displayed, on a rainy autumn day in Cape Town, in a lonely and deserted stadium, to a handful of spectators.

For the malays, Sheik Yusuf, who arrived in the Cape in from Java to serve his banishment order, was depicted as the founding father of the malay nation.

Two more random events, political exiles arriving in the Cape and the malay Corps participating in the Battle of Blaauwberg, constituted the history of the malays.

Solemn prayers were read and thousands of pigeons were released. From the beach he was conveyed by coach to the Castle, where, from the height of the balcony, he and Frances Holland, who played the wife Maria, waved to the assembled crowd.

He was imbued with almost messianic characteristics: the son of Europe, the father of white South Africa, the original bearer of civilization, whose spirit endured in the emerging policy of apartheid.

The major organized political opposition to the Van Riebeeck tercentenary came from the federal bodies affiliated to the Non-European Unity Movement NEUM.

Political organizations, like the Anti-Coloured Affairs Department Anti-CAD and the All African Convention AAC ; teachers bodies, like the Cape African Teachers Association CATA and the Teachers League of South Africa TLSA ; civic and vigilance associations; and even sporting organizations were part of this broad front.

Noncollaboration and the weapon of the boycott were, for them, the primary means of struggle. And the Van Riebeeck festival provided the Unity Movement with the ideal opportunity to intervene and put these principles and strategies into practice.

This was the result of pressures from more youthful elements within its ranks and new conditions of increased proletarianization and mass struggle.

Part of this change in direction at the beginning of the s was a planned campaign to defy the emerging apartheid legislation on a widespread scale.

Although April 6, , was selected as the day to launch the Defiance Campaign, little of the action was directed at the Van Riebeeck festival.

The ANC decided definitively not to participate in the planned festivities, and in so doing, lent its support to the boycott initiated by the Unity Movement.

However, the boycott was not connected integrally to the planning of the Defiance Campaign. Blacks were being invited to come and participate in the representation of their domination and its depiction as historically inevitable.

At civic meetings held in Cape Town, involving the Welcome Estate-Rylands Civic Association, Gleemoor Civic Association, Wetton Ratepayers Association, and the Bloemhof Flats Housing Scheme, emphatic decisions were made to boycott the planned festivities.

In Langa, a history research committee was set up to investigate the proposals made by the NAD. At its report back meeting, held on September 27, , at the Langa Market Hall, a boycott resolution was carried unanimously by a range of organizations that included the National Council of African Women, the Society of Young Africa SOYA , the Langa Vigilance Association, the ANC branch, the Traders Association, and even the Rugby Football Union.

Branches of the Teachers League of South Africa decided to boycott and advised teachers to forbid pupils from buying Van Riebeeck memorabilia.

And only the slaves among us could consciously and voluntarily join them. Cultural groupings, which the festival organizers had attempted to draw into the celebrations, largely rejected participation.

One section of the Christmas Choirs bands decided early on in the campaign to boycott, while the Malay Choir Board vacillated under threat of losing a venue for its annual competitions.

By February more than half of the main malay choirs, including the Celtics and the Boarding Boys, had spurned invitations to perform at the Van Riebeeck Stadium.

In a festival postmortem, Die Burger devoted special attention to lamenting the absence of coloreds at the festival. Black attendance at festival events was correspondingly negligible.

The scale and spectacle of these resistance mediums were not nearly as grandiose and their capacity to disseminate alternative constructions limited by comparison.

From late , with increasing regularity, and in the final weeks before April, meetings were held every night in every corner of Cape Town.

From Cape Town central, District Six, and Schotsche Kloof, to Kensington, Vasco, and Elsies River, to Kewtown, Grassy Park, and Nyanga, people gathered to hear speakers promote the boycott campaign.

Speaker after speaker emphasized the need for unity and principled and programmatic struggle. This is their last supper.

History was disseminated through the spoken word rather than through dramatic spectacle. In Langa, novelist and linguist A. Probably the foremost among them was S.

Goolam Gool. Messages of support for the mass meeting were read out loud and a resolution was passed reaffirming the boycott of the Van Riebeeck festival.

The symbolic meaning of Van Riebeeck as enslaver, divider, and strangler of the nation was propagated through the prominent display of posters with an inverted image of the icon emblazoned with a cross of disapproval defacing its facade.

While the Cape Town defiance gathering was not the central meeting of the campaign, its significance lies in its coinciding, almost to the minute, with the climax of the Van Riebeeck festival: the solemn laying of wreaths at the base of the Van Riebeeck column at the entrance to the festival stadium.

The previous day, of course, in a ceremony overflowing with symbolic meaning, Van Riebeeck Andre Huguenet had landed at Granger Bay. Malan, we will not allow fascism in South Africa.

We have nothing to hide. These took place in the pages of The Torch, the newspaper of the Unity Movement, and the Guardian, which was supportive of the Congress movement.

Specific historical representations of the festival were subjected to public critique and reassessment. In the process, writers like Eddie Roux, Hosea Jaffe, and Ben Kies, sometimes writing under pseudonyms, began to develop alternative historical emphases and public conceptions of the South African past.

The attempt to create malay stereotypes with Sheik Yusuf as an icon of malay ethnic history, alongside khalifas, the new moon, and the Kramat, was turned on its head.

In Java, the Sheik had fought against the Dutch, who in turn had persecuted and banished him to the Cape. According to The Torch, Sheik Yusuf was a resister, who believed in noncollaboration.

A modern strategy was transposed three hundred years back in time in order to create a history that justified the present form of political struggle.

Sheik Yusuf, the guerrilla fighter and social bandit, was projected as an icon of resistance. For Roux, did not represent the birth of a new nation.

Van Riebeeck was now imbued with immoral qualities: the once petty criminal, who turned his attention to larger booty and stole the land.

The point of departure of these histories constructed around the boycott was, however, the same as the festival histories. Van Riebeeck remained the shaper of the South African past, and conflicts were reduced to an assessment of his moral qualities and legacy.

The debate moved little beyond whether Van Riebeeck was saint or sinner, superhero or criminal. The construction of the Van Riebeeck icon by the festival was not the work of an Afrikaner nationalist conspiracy.

Here was an attempt to establish a symbol of settler domination, the founding father of white civilization on the southern tip of Africa.

But Van Riebeeck was also made on the Grand Parade and in resistance newspapers. The forms of opposition that emerged were an integral part of the making of the festival and the Van Riebeeck icon.

In the narrative that was constructed, both by those seeking to establish apartheid and those who sought to challenge it, Van Riebeeck represented the spirit of apartheid and the beginnings of white domination.

Popular historical products from the late s and early s, which at times draw upon radical historiography, are also located in this tradition.

It still occupies this position in virtually all expressions of South African public history and has not, as yet, been written out of the script.

Van Riebeeck continues to watch over South Africa, its future and its unsettled past. Through analyzing tourism sites, narratives, and routes, and providing a genealogy of these, we began the process of showing how destinations and their histories were produced.

The first was that we wanted to place a history of South African tourism in a much wider framework of a visual economy of Africa as a destination.

Hence we think about the assignation of routes and the imaging of sites as part of the demarcation of Africa into a series of distinct tourist zones.

In our analyses of the ways that South African tourism attempted to reimage itself as a cultural encounter, it was the movement through the constructed spaces of cultural villages, township tours, and themed environments that mattered.

District Six, Cape Town, circa Great Zimbabwe soapstone bird, Ratanga Junction Theme Park, 10 October The tourists themselves are positioned as independent travelers who are then directed along well-worn routes.

Africa was mapped into three distinct zones of European imagination for the emerging tourist trade. Europe was, however, still at hand to ensure the security and comfort of the tourist.

Although the definition of Africanness and what is constituted as a renaissance are an arena for considerable debate, the conviction is to create images that repudiate the stereotypes of backwardness and primitiveness.

There are two components to this cultural specialization. The one is the location of South Africa as essentially African, with a search for a set of African images, where Africa has become a signature and a design style.

This chapter examines this concentration on culture and asks whether this constitutes a fundamental shift in the way that memories of South Africa are being produced in the tourist gaze.

The cultural village is fast consolidating itself as a new genre of cultural museum, incorporating the previously marginalized into the tourist route.

While these sites are mainly directed at international visitors, their constellation of images are implicated in the construction of national memory.

At Ratanga Junction, where the postcolonial slips easily back into the colonial, tourist images are brought home on a colossal scale.

These take the form of shops, markets, and roadside stalls, where curio crafts, sometimes made by local communities, are commoditized and sold.

A past-present relationship is established through the gaze on human culture scripted as traditional and designed as authentic, where the visitor can encounter the carefully rehearsed performance of indigenous knowledge.

In Kwazulu-Natal, cultural villages have a long genealogy. Not only is Lesedi in easy reach of Johannesburg, but like Dumazulu it offers a range of ethnic experiences.

The essence of the cultural productions is to reproduce dominant media images of Africa as composed of distinct tribal entities and a general rhythmic character.

Each village reproduces a specific ethnic stereotype that has its genealogy in colonial encounters, the creation of administrative tribal units, and displays in imperial exhibitions across Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Yet, for all these ethnic characterizations, there is a common imagery of music and dance, that, without exception, the villages offer as the highlight of the tourist encounter.

Before the concept of tourism was impossible for black people in South Africa. The notion of a journey was usually one associated with migrant labor.

It is the visit to the cultural locality that is presented in the press as a way to know oneself and to learn about the other and so become a nation.

A discursive framework of indigenous culture has emerged in which the wider tourist gaze forms the basis of the relationship between the community, its heritage, and its possibilities for development.

Tourist routes, curio outlets, game lodges, and living museums have all been suggested as the passport to community development.

In , the southern Kalahari land claim based itself indirectly on the ethnological and anthropometric research conducted in by a team of University of the Witwatersrand anthropologists and linguists in preparation for the Empire Exhibition.

The successful land settlement won by the Makuleke community in the Northern Province in respect of Pafuri, the far northern region of the Kruger National Park, was equally based on a group claim.

Since its first emergence at Skansen in Sweden in the s, the living museum has presented the nation in microcosm through the live performance of folk culture in an open air setting.

Nevertheless, the urban edges of South Africa are traversed by routes and pathways in which life is put on show and scripted into a special genre of the township tour.

These three elements invariably form part of each township tour in a variety of permutations and with differing emphases. Soweto is the location of what is perhaps the crowning achievement of all township tours.

On to this legacy of repression and resistance, Soweto tourism has grafted a sense of cultural Africanness. In an aesthetic genre constructed by older trade circuits in ceremonial African art and artefacts, as well as by ideas of functionality, decorativeness, and domesticity long unchanged, the township tour meets the expectation for African craft.

To authenticate the craft as traditional, the craft center has to ensure that the producers appear as local and indigenous, and the items produced appear as handmade and make use of local knowledge and skills.

In Grahamstown, tourist demand for craft resulted in a search for tradition among township residents. Tourists are taken to racially designated separate townships and shown how buffers were created between them.

In these townships, they meet members of the community spearheading development projects, are given an escorted field trip to sites where young guerillas fought heroic battles against the apartheid state, and are shown where laborers were confined to single-sex barracks in dormitory townships.

Premised on a notion of prior unity, the tour poses questions about successive attempts at racial division and social engineering. If township tours tend to reflect the dominant discourses in society, then the contours and detours mapped by Western Cape Action Tours offer the possibility of creating forms of social knowledge that move beyond these constructions.

The Wildest Place in Africa: Ratanga Junction While the cultural village and the township tour are presented in the tourist universe as the regions of authenticity and surrogates of the real, the space of fantasy, fun, and the nonreal belongs to the theme park.

As in the cultural village and the township tour, impressions of Africa constitute the driving theme of the Ratanga experience, creating a memory of having visited an African place.

In order to journey across the imperial bridge into Ratanga Junction and to be permitted to pass beyond the guardhouse, one has to purchase a visa.

These are undoubtedly the main attractions of the wild. The original name of Busch Gardens was Busch Gardens: Africa: The Dark Continent,73 and although it has changed its name in the s, it is still the image of the Dark Continent that pervades the park.

It is the symbol of colonial modernity, the Trans-Veldt Railroad, that takes one between stations of the colonial outposts to embark on another adventure: from Nairobi across the Serengeti Plain to the Congo, onto Stanleyville passing the orangutans, and returning to Nairobi via Timbuktu and its German beerhall.

Ratanga Junction has some way to go before it can begin to match Busch Gardens, but it is evident that its vision of Africa and its history follows a similar trend.

There is a relative lack of narrative continuity between the different sites in Ratanga Junction. In addition, there seems to be an absence of explicit, authentic markers and signifiers, located in real time and space, such as museums, or any association with known individuals or events.

The experience of Ratanga thus places the emphasis on consumption, giving the impression that the depictions are purely marketing ploys, which have little or no association with the real world.

Secondly, Ratanga Junction represents a translocation of imagined and not imaginary pasts of Africa into a real space, which one can see, partake of, and domesticate.

Finally, the theme park presents itself as more than mere fantasy. The opportunity to go ahead with the project arose in when it joined forces with the property developer ILCO Homes.

This land, from which people had been removed under apartheid, had been purchased by ILCO Homes in Keith Watkins and Martin Wragge, who were Monex shareholders, later procured this company.

On the basis of quite narrowly defined economic criteria, the theme park idea was seen as one that would be a major earner. Despite costing in the range of R million,84 the development benefited from the recessionary climate in South Africa at the time, which seemed to be an ideal moment to build a theme park.

Instead the indigenes are animals named into a constructed tropical landscape of danger and peril. This precolonial time is almost timeless, a time of the ancients, tradition, primal fear, and snake-infested caves.

Moving into the colonial past of Ratanga Junction it is the signifiers of colonial modernity that reign supreme.

Colonial officials can drive in convoys, drink at the officers club, and dine in the ROC drawing room.

The site that has been on the receiving end of such colonial visions, perhaps more than all others, is Great Zimbabwe.

What was certain in this colonial imaginary was that its Africanness was not indigenous, creating a sense of compatibility for later processes of conquest and colonization.

What is the science of cultivating gardens? Name two types of water birds found at Ratanga Junction? Yet, it is the colonial vision of the exotic and primitive Africa, which ironically was promoted through photographic images in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that provides an unquestioned ubiquitous thematic background to this supposedly scientific future.

This is the historical setting for a commercial venture that is all about fun and excitement. A free day at the theme park for the winning school.

All schools that submit one completed competition entry form for every ten pupils at the school will be entitled to half-price entry to Ratanga Junction.

Monex headline earnings dropped by some 63 percent between March and September primarily because the theme park, with some , visitors over this period, operated at a loss of R This is not a place that encourages contemplation.

The African holiday backdrop falls between a South Africa whose African images are still rooted in the colonial paradigm and the early South African intonations of the African renaissance.

While these two tendencies seem to be diametrically opposed, at Ratanga Junction they merge together in the image of the wildest place in Africa. Memories of Africa in the Time of the Renaissance In colonial Africa, the administration of subject people was often framed in a nativist discourse of the primitive arranged in distinct ethnic units.

An advertisement for the South African Electricity Supply Commission Eskom appeared on SABC television in Aboard a luxury bus driving through a seemingly deserted countryside is a group of American tourists.

Suddenly they spot a hut with painted murals that signify it as Ndebele. The bus screeches to a halt, allowing the tourists to disembark and acquire their piece of much valued Ndebele culture.

After negotiating the price of the pots, the tourists extol the traditional authentic virtues of their purchases. They board their bus well-satisfied that they have acquired a piece of Africa, unmistakably authentic, at a bargain price.

The Ndebele women, who had made the sales to the tourists in a seemingly unsophisticated manner, then disappears into the hut.

There, inside the hut, is an electrically powered industrialized assembly line, operated by knowing workers. The workers together with the vendor laugh gleefully at the accomplishment of their success in manufacturing and selling tradition.

After a short run this advertisement disappeared from the television screens. One wonders why?

He decided to use the opportunity to devise a research project on the northern Cape and its representation in museums and called upon us and graduate student Michael Abrahams to participate.

Our role as public historians was to analyze the ways that the new exhibitions were being conceptualized, to draw comparisons with what was happening in other museums, and to offer advice on the museological approaches they were adopting.

The talk we gave in was in effect our report back to the McGregor Museum. We have decided to keep the essay largely as it was presented not only to offer it as a critique of museum transformation in South Africa at the time but also to indicate how the ideas and research opened up ways for us as public historians to become part of the knowledge transactions that were taking place in and around the institution of the museum.

One of the major outcomes of the project was an investigation by Martin Legassick and Ciraj Rassool into the origins of the modern South African museum through the collection of human remains at the beginning of the twentieth century.

This book led to a major debate in museum circles, with responses ranging from those advocating that these remains be kept in museums so as to further scientific enquiry, to those who argued for some form of repatriation and burial.

Through the research and intervention of Legassick and Rassool, the bodies of Trooi and Klass Pienaar were returned to South Africa and buried in Kuruman on August 12, The event and the repatriation process was significant in that it brought into question the future of museums that traditionally derive their authority from the acquisition and holding of collections.

What this and many other instances of repatriation have done is question that authority and museum claims to trusteeship and knowledge.

We have decided to include this example because concepts emanating from the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa at the University of the Western Cape, which developed this exhibition, were key in shaping new museum ideas and policies in South Africa in the s.

Ancestors, McGregor Museum, Kimberley, 27 October Miscast Exhibition 1, South African National Gallery, 29 August Miscast Exhibition 2, South African National Gallery, 29 August Communal cells, Robben Island Museum, 11 November Robert Sobukwe House exhibition, Robben Island Museum, 11 November Faced with the difficulty of creating a new nation, the people become citizens who are asked to turn their backs on the past and begin afresh.

Yet, in looking forward, the past is selected for the nation and recast as a heritage that was once suppressed and is now being recovered. Museums as sites for the visual management of the past have become important signifiers in the unfolding of this discourse of a newly rediscovered heritage.

While museums remain largely confined to a set of enclosed buildings that are visited by a select few, they present the possibility of changes in the domain of visualising society.

At the South African Museum in Cape Town there are notices in the African Cultures Gallery questioning the use of static ethnic categories.

These three museum spaces have been sites of new exhibitions laying claim to effecting processes of transformation. The National Gallery, which has become part of the national flagship of museums in Cape Town, has begun to position itself as a museum of art and history, recovering the heritage of different cultures.

While in Kimberley, the McGregor Museum, entrusted with the heritage of the Northern Cape province, has set itself the task of adding black personages to its well-established pantheon of important local leaders, and inserting black history into a well-worn narrative through a search for ancestors.

The key discourse that shapes collections management policy and exhibitions at this time of transformation is the discourse of diversity, in which culture is largely cast as ethnicity, and South African society is seen as multicultural and, by implication, multiethnic.

This chapter asks whether the claims made by these institutions to being new and transformatory might be premised on similar if not the same intellectual foundations of colonialism and apartheid.

Does the discourse of diversity leave the racial and ethnic categories of apartheid frozen and naturalized, thus suggesting more continuities with the past than a clear effort to break with the past?

The idea of a museum from and eventually on Robben Island seems to contain no opportunity of inhabiting such a legacy of ethnicity.

Robben Island prison was, after all, a place of incarceration of those who fought against the very idea of a divided South Africa marked by ethnic divisions.

Yet in its early intonations in exhibitions at the South African Museum3 and at the entrance to the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront it is struggling to locate itself outside and beyond a colonial past.

It is a past that marks Cape Town as being a gateway to Africa, both as a threshold and point of embarkation to a world that Cape Town and the exhibitions represent themselves as not part of.

This is Cape Town as Europe in Africa and the Waterfront as the site of departure. Not only do all these institutions and exhibitions claim to put transformation on display, but in all these instances a sense of museumness has been grafted on to spaces that contain prior identities and social forms.

The Castle, for over three centuries, was the home of the colonial administration and the military establishment at the Cape. The South African National Gallery increasingly represents itself as a museum rather than an art gallery.

The building housing the main collections and displays of the McGregor Museum was once a sanatorium. The exhibition site at the Waterfront is in a small building that forms part of the office space in a petrol station.

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